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Even at that, we are taking significant casualties. This is but a first step, a baby step in preventing the deaths of innocent people.

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I would say, honourable senators, that we are all mandated to represent our regions. It makes it very difficult to do so when we are asked to vote for different clauses of bills that are all compiled into one massive omnibus bill.

According to HungerCount 2021, the need for food banks has expanded and become more complex over the years. There are those who are clearly at higher risk of having to turn to food banks, such as children and youth, as I have mentioned, as well as Aboriginals, for example. However, it might be surprising for many honourable senators to learn that food banks also help out working people, two-parent families, seniors, homeowners and students.

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Honourable senators, witnesses presented recommendations to the committee that centered on active prevention and sensitive intervention. The recommendations focused not only on mitigating the risk of elder abuse but also on supporting victims' access to services and supports. Ms. Lithwick commented that there are situations where a criminal resolution is not necessarily the best solution. Moreover, as I discussed in detail in my speech at second reading, many forms of elder abuse are not criminal but victims of these forms of abuse still need support or safety networks. Those safety networks need to be accessible, adapted to the victim's language and cultural background and supported by a range of professionals from many different sectors. Ms. Catherine Drillis, Co-chair, Legal Team, National Initiative for the Care of the Elderly, testified before the committee.

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Honourable senators, there is no need to wonder where the excessive fees that Visa and MasterCard charge are going, because if we look at the revenue generated by both Visa and MasterCard from 2009 to 2021, Visa increased its profits from $6/9 billion in 2009 to $9/2 billion in 2021. MasterCard increased its profits from $1/3 billion in 2009 to $1/72 billion in 2021.

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Given the conditions we are all working in, I do not think the government's approach serves democracy in Canada. In fact, this is not the first time the government has gone down this road.

I am also concerned about the elimination of the Corporate Mineral Exploration and Development Tax Credit, as well as the Atlantic Investment Tax Credit on oil, gas and mining. The government is doing away with both of these credits and, given how vulnerable our economy is and how important these sectors are to the Canadian economy, I think it is short-sighted to discourage investment in these areas.

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Senator Dallaire: I am just saying that here is point number two of opening that door. We may have done a lot when we had to meet budget cuts, but now you do not need the troops any longer and you are treating them like everyone else. You want to throw them into whatever other program and hopefully they will respond. You are opening that door of darkness.

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Suicides kill, but silence also kills. Even within the forces, we keep counting the 158 casualties, including the two who committed suicide in theatre. We are not counting the 178 or maybe the 188 who have committed suicide or who have been killed because of the operational deployments they have been on.

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Did honourable senators know that children and youth represent 21 per cent of our population, but they make up 38 per cent of those Canadians who use food banks? Did honourable senators know that people in Nunavut spend, on average, 25 per cent of their annual expenditures on food, as compared to 11 per cent within Canada overall? With exorbitant food prices like $17 for milk and $29 for cheese, it is easy to understand what "food insecurity" means and why it is so acute in communities across this northern territory.

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Restorative justice approaches, rights respecting, and empathy-building programs are more likely to transform school and community cultures where cyberbullying is a problem. These success stories are exactly why it is imperative to share best practices and evidence-based assessments concerning anti-cyberbullying programs and policies across jurisdictions. They encourage us to believe that things can change for the better.

I will provide just two examples among many. The first is the negative impact that Bill C-45 will have on scientific research by eliminating tax credits for scientific equipment. If we do not support technology, then certain sectors will be penalized because the equipment is very expensive. Smaller establishments will not be able to afford the equipment they need, and their productivity will go down, which might result in layoffs and job losses. There will be less scientific research at a time when we need more.

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Today, we have a bill that is 414 pages long, contains more than 516 clauses amending 60 acts, and goes far beyond what could reasonably be considered fiscal policy. In fact, it is not so much a bill as a complex legislative agenda.

When I sit here in my second row seat and look over there and I watch the debate coming back, I do not necessarily look at the leadership. I look at the other honourable senators, and especially those who have been here for a while. I do not notice a lot of enthusiasm over there for this legislation. Senator Ogilvie has only been here for a little while and he is enthusiastic about everything.

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When it gets to the nitty-gritty of what needs to be done, the support, programs, policies and, yes, the money are not there. That is an abuse of the democratic process. It is even worse than that; it is a betrayal of the people who you are supposed to be representing.

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Senator Munson: Honourable senator, in committee Senator Duffy described our observations as too many ornaments on a tree. It is Christmastime, and there are never enough ornaments on a tree at this time.

By the way, with regard to the vote by the committee to not allow the observations, Liberal senators voted unanimously to include the observations, and the Conservative senators voted unanimously to not include the observations. We were told at the committee by a Conservative senator that the observations would slow down the bill.

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I will finish by mentioning that on this trip that I was on, there were a number of Aboriginal veterans. It is very interesting to note that those veterans, as soldiers, went and fought on behalf of Canada in Korea, in a war where 516 Canadians were killed. I believe I am right to say they gave up their Aboriginal status to do that, and they did not have the vote and did not get the vote for a number of years. Their bravery and commitment to this immensely important endeavour should always be remembered in that context as well.

She said: Honourable senators, I am speaking to the ninth report of the Standing Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade, on Iran, its implications and other related matters, which we undertook at the request, last February, of our Minister of Foreign Affairs. The situation in Iran has been a matter of concern to Canadians and the Government of Canada.

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I have said it before, and I will say it again: If the president of Toyota hated cars, what kind of company would Toyota be? If the Prime Minister of Canada hates government and focuses on almost nothing other than cutting it, what kind of government will we get? You know what kind of government we will get?

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Bill C-300 stops short of calling for a national suicide prevention strategy; instead, it proposes a national framework. Honourable senators, there is a difference. A framework is an excellent first step, but it is not a strategy. The United Nations and the World Health Organization recognize suicide as a major health problem. They have developed guidelines and have asked countries to establish national suicide prevention strategies and national coordinating bodies. All developed countries, with the exception of Canada, have endorsed these international guidelines from the United Nations and the World Health Organization.

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The 2021 Budget Implementation Act, Bill C-9, contains 883 pages of varied and unrelated legislative provisions. It could form close to half the pages of Parliament's legislative output for 2021. These omnibus budget implementation bills subvert and evade the normal principles of parliamentary review of legislation.

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When I looked at the minutes of the meeting, Senator Eggleton presented his observations, then I presented my observations. If honourable senators will recall, my observations were to be inclusive in terms of people who would be consulted.

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Can we find them jobs in the public service? That is what I would do as a good employer, but the Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food had no idea. He has not had many good ideas lately anyway. Is that not telling us that because the bill does so many things to so many different departments and agencies that changes should be dealt with in a separate piece of legislation so we can safely say that we have given these changes due diligence and study?

Frankly, I was quite pleased with the list of items under clause 2, because the pursuit of those will, I think, actually inform a national strategy really well. In fact, if we listen to the witnesses today, many of the things they were requesting came to items that are even specifically mentioned in here.

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What we must do is create an environment where cyberbullying is unacceptable and considered a human rights violation. Parents, schools, public authorities, non-governmental organizations, private businesses, Internet service providers and young people themselves all have a role to play.

Finally, boards of inquiry in National Defence were launched, starting in about 2008 — we had already been in theatre for six years — to try to guarantee, as legal beagles want, along with their medical experts, that the injury became terminal through suicide because of the operational theatre. The boards are now identifying that and recognizing it. We are seeing some soldiers who have been on 10 tours, and at the end of the tenth tour they commit suicide. We have seen other soldiers who after one tour lose a leg and are treated, with an enormous amount of urgency, in terms of providing a prosthesis and trying to get them mobile. We have made an enormous effort in doing that, and yet the individual still kills himself.

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They do not know how to manage it. They do not listen to their public servants, who, in fact, are not their enemies. That would be another class that I think they sometimes see as enemies. Their public servants would give them good advice, tell them what to do and allow them to set the priorities that will make things work and to cut the things that do not work. That is what happened in the 1990s, and that is why we had nine consecutive surplus budgets. If you hate government, you do not know how to manage it. That is why you will never balance a budget.

There are far too many issues in this "omnishambles" of a bill that have no business in a bill on the ways and means of the government. Electronic travel authorizations and "mini-visas" — these are issues that are dealt with in this bill. Serious questions have been raised by the Privacy Commissioner of Canada about privacy issues.

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Great challenges attract great leaders. Climate change is a challenge of historic proportions. The economic challenges that are facing the resources in the West are of historic proportions. Great leaders are drawn like a magnet to challenges like that, and weak leaders leave them and go and find something else.

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Honourable senators, Ms. Lickers did indicate that the word "designation" was open to interpretation and that because it was used commonly, she did not have a great objection, but she said there was a concern that within individual First Nations it is not really clear exactly what that means. I repeat, it is not really clear exactly what that means.

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Senator Andreychuk: Therefore what we were looking at is the actions that Canada could take and had taken with respect to Iran per se. We only touched the region as to Iran's activities. We were fully aware of Israel's comments about Iran and Iran's comments about Israel, but we were not commenting further.

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This is a new aspect for the UN, to actually create a body to prevent. It has the UNDP and other elements, but this is to create a body to prevent. Having served on the Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention, and having worked on the application of responsibility to protect, which is the operationalization of that prevention tool, it was again interesting for me yesterday that this whole realm emanates from the work done by John Peters Humphrey and by that team in 1948.

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How much is bravery worth — $20,000, $15,000? Maybe we could put a number on it.

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The actual fact was the armed forces absolutely stopped rolling for three months; they stood still. They wore out their boots, but there were no boots to replace them because that was not in the program.

The question is, what should the Canadian Forces do? They are taking more casualties. I would venture to say that we have not seen the end of these casualties.

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As honourable senators know, Bill C-45 is a massive legislative initiative; it consists of over 500 clauses and contains 414 pages. I looked up the Budget Implementation Act of 2001, just for comparison. It contained 47 clauses, and it was over 124 pages.

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It was important for our committee to learn from young people, to hear their stories. They told us that even though cyberbullying may be discussed in the media, no one was speaking directly with them.

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Given Canada's limited bilateral relations with Iran, witnesses underlined the potential of the Iranian diaspora in Canada to act as a conduit for communication with and between Iranian human rights activists. In this regard, the committee suggests that the Government of Canada look to increasing funding for such groups.

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Yesterday, I was thinking that the debate on Bill C-45 was coming up. I was at the UN, walking by the General Assembly. Those guys sit two months a year. The rest of the year they have clerks in their seats to keep their seats warm. The clerks keep the paperwork going and so on, but the members are there for only two months a year and they get everything through.

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Honourable senators, if you look at the bill in detail, as my colleague Senator Callbeck said, there is lots of stuff in this bill that I might have voted for if it was put to this chamber as separate pieces of legislation. Indeed, when I do get back to my subject of talking about the Agriculture Committee and the debate on the Canada Grain Act, some good things were discussed.

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Senator Dallaire: The odd one is industry-related. The industry is just not producing what we have requested. They are dragging their feet, and we are not holding their feet to the fire, so they are fiddling. We have to wonder about a company like Irving. When will they start cutting steel instead of punching paper? It is a 40-year plan, but we do not want the ship in year 40; we hope to see it before then.

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Roméo Antonius Dallaire: Honourable senators, I read a comment made by a late, great politician when I was looking at the budget and some of the programs — and I always come back to defence — that the government said it would invest in and promised would have a positive outcome. I am thinking about the F-35s in particular, but there are other programs such as the helicopters and a number of other plans that are pending.

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Honourable senators, this study was a huge challenge and undertaking for our committee. I thank all committee members for their support: the deputy chair Senator Brazeau, Senator Andreychuk, Senator Ataullahjan, Senator Harb, Senator Hubley, Senator Ngo, Senator White and Senator Zimmer.

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Members of the committee, no matter their political stripe, should be there with sincere efforts to improve this important piece of legislation. For a senator to treat this serious issue in such a frivolous and glib way by dismissing the observations as ornaments on a tree is incredibly insensitive and disrespectful to committee members and to the families who have lost loved ones to suicide.

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When the introduction of designation was made in 1988, it invited that very confusion; namely that the act of leasing lands was not to change the reserve land base. They were not surrendering lands. However, the provisions were drafted such as to describe designation as some kind of conditional surrender. In other words, the First Nation was surrendering lands to the Crown but on the condition that they would be surrendered for the use of leasing purposes. When the lease expired, they would revert back to reserve land base. Even today that invites an enormous difficulty [in interpretation].

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From the most recent data in 2021 — so these are the facts three years later — Canadians bought $322 billion of goods and services with credit cards in that year alone. They paid $42 billion in sales tax with these credit cards using Visa or MasterCard 92 per cent of the time — not 65 per cent of the time.

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Honourable senators, Chief Fox's comments and frustration run deep through the Aboriginal communities in this country. The opposition against the omnibus Bill C-45 changes in the Aboriginal community is not just limited to the chiefs; it has mobilized Aboriginal youth as well. Thousands of young people have gathered this week in 13 cities across the country to protest Bill C-45 and the undemocratic nature of these unilateral changes. Under the banner of the Idle No More movement, Aboriginal youth held protests just this past Monday. Over 300 people protested in Manitoba; the crowd swelled to 500 in Saskatoon.

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The most concerning consequence of the focus on impact is that it will compel victims of elder abuse to participate in a kind of double trial: first, at the trial itself; and second, at the sentencing hearing. After the initial trial, victims will need to participate in sentencing hearings so that the judge can determine and the lawyers can debate the impact of the offence on the victim. I am not convinced that a simple victim impact statement will satisfy the requirements of this aggravating circumstance. Impact is relative and subjective. Interpreting it in a courtroom would be incredibly difficult for victims and their families. This is especially true given that elder abuse often occurs in the family context.

The peer support in between the formal therapeutic sessions is not there. They go through lulls in those periods, and there is no one there just to listen to them or to check on them.

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The committee is deliberately bringing forward proposals a few at a time so they are easier to consider and, I hope, adopt. The report proposes two amendments, which I will address in turn.

That is a major reason why I am not voting for this bill. If I had the full six hours to myself, I could come up with a whole bunch more reasons.

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Mr. Flaherty will never balance the budget. You heard it here first: He is never going to balance the budget. As soon as interest rates start going up, each 1 per cent will be $6 billion, $7 billion, $8 billion, $10 billion.

During Legal and Constitutional Affairs Committee hearings, Senator McIntyre asked the question many times: Should the term "elder abuse" be defined in the Criminal Code? In one response, Laura Tamblyn Watts, a senior fellow at the Canadian Centre for Elder Law, expressed her hope that the notion of elder abuse would not be lost.

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Based on findings of the Auditor General, as I said yesterday, that pointed out that they wanted the full life cycle of the aircraft, DND therefore moved from a long-held practice of costing over 20 years to costing over the aircraft's entire program of 42 years. I used the example a couple of days ago of my little Ford Focus.

Honourable senators, it is worth noting again that if there had been more consultation with the various First Nation parties, the question of surrender would have been discussed ahead of time, that is, before the tabling of the bill, and there might have been something included in the bill that specifically addressed their concerns. Surely this is not too much to ask.

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Did we simply determine that they are like public servants, who go home at a certain hour every night, come in early or leave early, know the name of their bus driver, have been living in the same house for the last 25 years, know the routine, know what to expect in their in-baskets going into their out-baskets? There is a certain continuity of rhythm in that stable environment of the public servant.

Then I go to this idea that we vote as a bloc, and somehow, if we were elected, we would not. I ask Senator Brown — and maybe he has, but since I have been here I have not seen him ever vote against this government. Nor have I ever seen Senator Unger vote against this government. I do not think it follows immediately from the fact that someone is elected that they will vote against this government. In that context, I think there are some serious questions about this government's sense of democracy and its relationship to any way, shape or form of Senate reform, so do not lecture us on that.

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These are the questions: Why do they not provide national leadership? Why can they not balance a budget? Why do they so disregard democracy, and why are so many Canadians seen by them to somehow be external and, in some senses, an enemy?

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Very possibly, and indeed the act was amended by the Harper government in 2009, only three years ago. Notably, those amendments were also contained in an omnibus budget bill, then Bill C-10.

He said: This was passed unanimously in committee for consideration here today. The report embodies the budget for the Energy and Environment Committee to begin its funded study at the end of March on pipeline hydrocarbon transportation safety. It has been approved by the Internal Economy Committee. I would ask for the support of honourable senators.

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Terry M. Mercer: Honourable senators, every year around this time I rise in my place to deplore the actions of the government when it comes to rushing through legislation. Every year for quite a long time we are stuck dealing with legislation that the government says must pass before we adjourn for the holidays.

Honourable senators, this committee is being careful as it continues its work reviewing the Rules of the Senate. I commend these amendments to you, which have been adopted by your committee, for your consideration and adoption.

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Lillian Eva Dyck: As all honourable senators know, the Assembly of First Nations held its special chiefs assembly across the Ottawa River in Gatineau last week. The chiefs protested on the hill because they were so upset about what is happening with regard to Bill C-45.

Jane Cordy: You spoke about the federal government wanting to hand all of the responsibility for health care to the provinces and territories. I agree absolutely with what you have said, and I think you spoke about their giving up the responsibility. Did the honourable senator know that the federal government is actually the fifth largest provider of health care in the country?

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Other countries established limits years ago. In 2006, Australia set the acceptance fees at 0/5 per cent for commercial transactions, 0/3 per cent for governments and 0 per cent for charities. Australia reviews these limits every three years and has not increased them since 2006. Visa and MasterCard and their Australian partners continue to make reasonable profits on the Australian market.

Under the Constitution Act, 91/14 clearly states that the issue of currency is an exclusive federal power of the Canadian Parliament. It seems to me that Visa and MasterCard's pricing for their product is not related to cost, but more to how much they can get their currency in the Canadian consumers' hands. More Visa and MasterCard credit cards in consumers' hands mean more consumers will use them for practical reasons in addition to the bells and whistles some provide. The more the consumers use them, the more power they give to Visa and MasterCard in the market. The more that Visa and MasterCard increase credit card acceptance fees, the less power there is for merchants and consumers.

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Honourable senators, he did not even know how many people and he should have known that. Senator Plett should have known that as well.

I commend the Minister of Foreign Affairs for taking steps in that direction. The effectiveness of our sanctions regulations can be further improved. Our committee suggests that the Government of Canada look into simplifying and coordinating our regulations on financial transactions with Iran. Meanwhile, witnesses noted the importance of holding open the option for Iran to return to and continue at the negotiating table. Canada must continue to support the P5-plus-1 negotiations and remain attuned to any signal that Iran is willing to explore a political settlement. However, our expectations should be measured. Iran has invested heavily in its nuclear program and has used negotiations to buy time in the past. The likelihood that Iran will agree to suspend its nuclear enrichment program fully and to allow inspections is remote but not impossible.

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Senator LeBreton: Neither minister misled Canadians, despite the avid wishes of honourable senators opposite; neither minister misled Canadians. No money has been spent on the acquisition of a new aircraft. The funding for the acquisition of a replacement remains frozen, and the replacement for the CF-18 will not be selected until the seven-point plan is completed.

Senator Mitchell: Yes, absolutely. In fact, I remember when one of Mr. Harper's five initiatives in the election was to shorten waiting times. He went across Canada and gave out money. He actually gave money to help shorten waiting times to provinces that already had met that standard.

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Honourable senators, I wish you all a merry Christmas. Do not use credit cards during our break, but please, in case Minister Flaherty is in your area on the budget consultation, bring a copy of the bill and a copy of my speech.

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The answer that Senator Fraser received largely focused on section 380/1 of the Criminal Code, which deals with fraud and which I discussed earlier. Unfortunately, honourable senators, the answer did not address directly why this seventh aggravating factor should be fundamentally different from the others already included in section 718/2.

They did understand them, and that is why they were reacting negatively. We can keep pounding and pounding and pounding the same argument, but it is not working because people get it.

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Many changes were lumped together into this budget bill. It should have been on a stand-alone basis for so many sections. We could have done so much better. Here we are; we could have done better.

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I do not know about other honourable senators, but I am not happy doing mediocre work and what we are doing here is mediocre work. We should not only be the chamber of sober second thought; we should be the chamber of excellence. We have a history of being the chamber that continues to improve legislation. I should say that historically we had the reputation of being the chamber that improved legislation. That has all changed because whatever the Langevin Block says now, that goes. There are no changes except, as my friend Senator Dallaire pointed out earlier today, that this omnibus bill is repairing the mistakes we made in the spring.

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It starts by asserting that shutting down debate in Parliament is wrong, and it continues by then saying that legislating by omnibus bills is wrong. Both deny Parliament its right — our duty — to seriously examine what is proposed to be the law of the land. Both deny Parliament the ability to hold the government to account. None of us should be a willing party to any more such failures of democratic accountability as we are seeing today. Surely, it is important to stand up against omnibus bills.

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Honourable senators, there is a difference between law that allows for judicial discretion and law that allows for perversion of meaning and intent. Removing the word "significant" from the bill would not impede judicial discretion. The intent of this legislation is to demonstrate that elder abuse is unacceptable in any form.

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In any event, the Prime Minister did not deceive the Canadian public. All of this has been borne out by the independent report — perhaps Senator Wallin should have a briefing session.

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Eugene Forsey was a constitutionalist, someone who believed that those eminent rules which govern our political processes and which by practice and by text have been in place over time must be known, respected, and followed. The alternative to ordered politics is a kind of lurching opportunism that, in time, will destroy political stability and, possibly, the political nation that is Canada.

The Supreme Court recognized that this did indeed violate freedom of expression, but it also said that respect for the dignity and equality of individuals, especially as members of a particular group, justifies limiting this freedom of expression. I think we should not dwell on the attack on freedom of expression brought about by section 13.

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You have cumbersome, difficult things that you have to work through. You have give and take and the adversarial process because, if you ever allow it to happen, you actually get better ideas and solutions. If you hate government, you hate that stuff. You do not understand that, if it is seen as an inconvenience. At least it is a necessary inconvenience for stronger policy, for achieving that objective that should be your objective — a better Canada, a better quality of life for Canadians and for our children. That is the answer to the third question.

This scenario is being played out in a very structured organization. They have the chain of command, the selection process, the training, and so on. Yet, even with that, through the traumas, we are picking up suicides because of the experiences. This does not seem to be abating. On the contrary; they are coming out more and more. The injury is coming to the fore, they have more time, they are licking their wounds, and they are having a hard time adjusting. In addition, the peer support structure is not strong enough — not just the formal therapeutic sessions but the peer support, people to monitor and to be at the end of phone, people to be there.

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This will have a significant impact on O&M. If we think that the regular force will be hurting with this, the reserves will be worse. The reserves budget is not only for vehicles, spare parts, fuel, food, training days in the armouries, and so on; it is outright salaries. The salaries of the reserves are not protected like the regular force. They are part of the O&M envelope. When it comes to finding money, it is always easy to say, "We promised the reservists 37 and a half days a year, plus a training course and maybe an exercise, so that comes up to around 50 days.

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As I said the other day, just ask the people in New York whether there is not a dramatic economic, social, human cost to climate change. Ask the people of the West Coast fisheries and the East Coast fisheries, whose jobs have evaporated along with the fish, if there is not a cost to climate change. Ask those in the forestry industry, as they see the forests of this country dying and with them many thousands of jobs. Ask the people of the North, and ask the farmers who have experienced unprecedented floods and droughts. Ask the people who are suffering from all kinds of unprecedented storms if there is not urgency to dealing with climate change. Ask them if there is not economic impact.

That is exactly what is happening in Canada. This is not the Canada that I know. In the Canada that I know we have a Prime Minister who leads.

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Let us look at a few facts since I first introduced bills to curtail excessive acceptance fees. May I remind honourable senators that acceptance fees include network fees that are set and retained by Visa and MasterCard, interchange fees set by Visa and MasterCard but retained by the issuers that are the financial institutions, and the service fees that are retained by the acquirers that provide terminals and network at the point of sale.

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More fundamentally, the committee is uncomfortable with a rule that so directly targets the media. It is not in keeping with modern Canadian society, where freedom of expression is a constitutionally protected right. We are not going as far as some jurisdictions, such as the Australian Parliament, which do not deal with complaints of contempt raised against the media. There may be situations in which a senator is compelled to raise such a matter, but that would still be possible without rule 13-2. We feel that its continued existence sends entirely the wrong message.

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The Afghanistan conflict involved two suicides in theatre. Two soldiers killed themselves in theatre. The 158 casualties were killed in action, KIA; however, two were suicides, and so they count. The 158 casualties were in theatre.

There are these questions that can only be answered, or at least partly answered, by this one answer, which is that you hate government. You do not know how to manage it. You want to cut it, and you have lost the real objective, which is making this country better for Canadians. That is our objective, and I do not see any of that being fulfilled in this bill. That is another reason why I am not voting for it.

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This observation was made in light of the testimony we heard by the excellent witnesses we had. The media can play a valuable role in promoting suicide prevention strategies. Groups such as the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender community and young people, particularly young Aboriginals, where suicide rates are higher than the average, could certainly provide important input to the government.

Again, I would like to thank Mr. Albrecht, who is the sponsor of this bill. He should be congratulated on the work he has done in bringing the issue of suicide prevention to Parliament. Honourable senators, Bill C-300 is a good step in the right direction.

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Honourable senators, we are still taking casualties. Over the last five weeks, between Gagetown and Petawawa, two operational bases, there have been three suicides — young people, corporals and a sergeant. One of them had been on five tours.

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Honourable senators, I am pleased to speak to the fourth report of the Rules Committee. As I noted in early November with respect to the third report, our objective and the ongoing review of the rules is to move beyond just clarification and reorganization of the rules to proposing amendments that, in the committee's opinion, either fill in gaps or are preferable to what are current practices.

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Roméo Antonius Dallaire: Honourable senators, would it be possible that the time allotted for questions to Senator Cordy be given to her again? Other colleagues wanted to ask her questions.

Senator Ogilvie: Would the honourable senator like to revisit her comment that the Conservative senators voted unanimously in the vote? My recollection is that the vote was 6-4 and that there were 11 senators at the table.

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I suggested to them that we go see the police. They told me that they could not speak of their personal circumstances. It would be washing their dirty linen in public. Before they left my office, they kept asking me if there was an option available for them to be safe. I did not have much to suggest, as options for escaping elder abuse are limited. Most programs to support elder abuse have been cancelled. I know that they lived the rest of their lives in misery.

Honourable senators, you were quite vociferous about the decade of darkness. Watch it. You are opening that door.

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What really struck me about this bill is section 718/2 in the Criminal Code lists six aggravating factors, so this would be adding a seventh. This is the only one that talks about the impact.

While sanctions take time to work, they are a serious, coercive instrument. International sanctions against Iran include four rounds of sanctions under Chapter 7 of the United Nations Charter, as well as complementary measures taken by the EU, the United States, Canada and others. During our study, these sanctions were beginning to drive Iran even deeper into economic isolation.

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As I said a moment ago, the motion to append observations was defeated. At that moment, I decided to write to the Minister of Health with my thoughts. In the interests of transparency, I want to make it clear to this chamber that I did not discuss either my intention or the content of my letter with anyone. I tell honourable senators that because it undermines a favourite refrain I hear from some of my colleagues opposite with regard to those of us on this side.

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We have troops that have been in the field now for nearly 20 years. We had a military that in the Cold War was essentially in garrison, training to go to war, a classic war in Central Europe.

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We see them come back and all of a sudden face a significant take-home pay cut. This take-home pay cut hits them in two ways. First, the operational theatre pay they were getting for being in those theatres of operation, which was several thousands of dollars, disappears because they are not in the operational theatres any longer. You may think well, they must adjust to that, even though they were at war in Afghanistan for nearly 10 years and receiving that rhythm of pay for that length of time, which established a certain rhythm of budgetary capability in the family.

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With that take-home pay being adjusted and eliminated, they are now being hit by the same government — this government that says they love them so much, need them so much and care for them so much — with the introduction of this new pension program, this 50-50 scenario. The forces have a variant to that, but it is essentially in the same ballpark as the plan for the public service. Essentially, that cut is in the order of 4/5 per cent to 5 per cent. That is half of the pay increase we gave them before they went to war. Now they come back from war, and we are going to cut their take-home pay by 5 per cent, because they will have to pay that amount into the pension plan. They will do that over five years, after the other benefits they were receiving for years on end.

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Professor Louis Massicotte of Laval University researched omnibus bills in the United States. He found that 42 of the 50 states have provisions in their constitutions banning omnibus bills. He quoted from a 1901 decision of the Commonwealth Court of Pennsylvania where the court commented on the situation before the state constitution was amended in 1864 to prohibit omnibus bills.

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The next question: Why is it that they see so many Canadians as enemies? Why are they against so many Canadians? Why are they against environmental NGOs? Why are they against religious charities? Why are they against any number of charities?

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Senator Mercer: That is another story. Does the honourable senator want me to talk about fish, too?

Canada must continue scrutinizing developments in Iran and be ready to take action when and if necessary. The government's recent actions underscore its comprehension of the severity of Iran's threat to the region and global security and its own people. It is important, however, to emphasize that the government's action is not directed at the Iranian people but rather at the regime that opposes their rights and freedoms.

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We resolved the pay issue before this government came into power, and we also resolved the quality of life issue so that when the troops deployed, maybe they had the wrong colour of uniform, but they were supported and their families were supported. That support continued, which maintained morale amongst the troops and their families, and they continued to serve.

The silence around suicide and mental illness has been part of the problem. It has made it harder for individuals and families to seek help. Stigma, isolation and mental illness are a vicious circle.

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Senator LeBreton: We see her letters to the editor and editorial comment all over the country going after the NDP. She is obviously playing her new role, but the facts are the facts.

From 20 per cent, it becomes much easier to reach the 90 per cent enrichment required for a nuclear bomb. However, witnesses caution that the international community cannot wait until Iran is nuclear-armed. Even a nuclear-capable Iran would be essentially shielded from military action.

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The Leader of the Government in the Senate has stated in this chamber that taxpayers are not out any money on this. Minister MacKay has stated, as previous questioners have said, that the cancellation will cost taxpayers $1 billion. It is left up to us to decide who we believe.

This debate should encourage us to reflect on the permanent nature of democracy. This is not just about assent or parliamentary procedure; it is also about public opinion. Parliaments have to vote on budgets and pass bills. A vote has to take place eventually. Debate time has been reduced, but why do parliamentary procedures sometimes slow down the process if not to allow Parliament to put one issue at a time before the public, not 50 at a time as with omnibus bills? Issues should be examined in such a way that the public can follow what the government is doing and understand all the ins and outs of the bill. When we bulldoze through the process and agree to something like this, it confuses people. They cannot follow or understand what is happening, nor can they participate in what parliamentarians are doing.

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I would like to turn to the meeting of the Social Committee and its review of Bill C-300. Following the hearing of witness testimony and unanimous approval of the bill and its clauses, discussion occurred about possible observations. A motion was put forward to append observations to the bill, but the motion was defeated.

Honourable senators, we could save a whole whack of money and our time, and in fact be more effective in our democratic exercise in our counties and regions, should we ever be elected there. Instead of spending our time here in Ottawa, we could come in maybe two months a year, when the bill is presented. We will spend one month here, go through the omnibus bill, beat the living daylights out of each other for a month and then pass the bill. Five months later, we could come back and do the next round.

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Our committee's findings and recommendations reflect a complex problem that requires the active participation of every member of the community, especially youth. To ensure that Canadians of all ages have access to the important knowledge we gained during the course of this study, we created two companion guides.

We are talking 11 per cent; and we are talking 18 per cent in certain rank levels. We had soldiers who were holding down two jobs. Their wives were also holding down two jobs in order to make ends meet while their husbands were serving overseas. I remember in the early 1990s, even before the Liberal regime, we had soldiers on the bread lines, particularly those who were deployed, the young privates and corporals.

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Two years later, we have still not been told the true cost to Canadians of its many crime bills. The government stonewalled on the true costs of the F-35s until the mountain of evidence became so huge it could not be denied any longer. After years of giving Canadians and their parliamentary representatives what we now know were wildly inaccurate numbers, Prime Minister Harper says "Oops!

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Visa and MasterCard, the issuers and the acquirers, have created a perfect storm for merchants and all consumers to consistently pay more. The issue of Visa's and MasterCard's excessive fees has become more evident since they became separate for-profit, publicly traded companies. That was done by MasterCard in 2006 and by Visa in 2008.

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To add insult to injury, after denying Dr. Tarasick the opportunity to speak to journalists as he wanted and was prepared to do, the government proceeded to tell reporters to attribute a written response to him. As the Ottawa Citizenarticle described, it was clear from the documents obtained under the Access to Information Act that in fact the scientist's statement had been written by officials in Ottawa.

Senator Cordy: The honourable senator also talked about lack of national strategies. There have been great things said by Stan Kutcher. I have spoken to him on many occasions. There are great things happening around the country and Stan, of course, would be particularly competent and knowledgeable about things happening in mental health and mental illness.

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With the current budget cuts as an example, there are over 160 projects out there, minimum, of which about 20-odd are major Crown projects. A major Crown project is anything over $100 million. These projects are spending money all the time.

I went to the United States Department of Veterans Affairs in 1997 to seek advice on how we can build our system from scratch. They underwent Vietnam, so surely they had a lot of experience.

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It goes without saying that the dollar figure for 42 years will be proportionally higher than the previous 20-year figure. As well, the annual average cost of the F-35 program is estimated to be $1 billion per year. This includes the cost that will be incurred regardless of what aircraft is ultimately chosen. Therefore, the additional estimate is completely attributable to the increase in the time frame ordered by the Auditor General from 20 years to 42 years.

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Honourable senators, I was disheartened to hear the minister dismiss this movement as "just social media," on Tuesday. I hope the minister and the government take a good look at what is happening here and realize that the only way forward is through cooperation, true partnership and mutual respect.

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In fact, if one looks at who asked the questions to the witnesses at the committee, it was the Liberal senators. We had three hours of testimony. Senator Martin did ask one question of Mr. Albrecht. Other than that, every Liberal senator asked a question at every hearing for the three hours. The Conservative senators asked no questions and only started discussing it when we said that we should bring forward observations.

We do not have national leadership on a national energy strategy or any number of other things. In fact, I can hardly think of one thing we do have national leadership on, and I am saying to myself, "Could the Prime Minister please fill that void?

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Democracy is not just about voter approval. It is the constant interplay of governments and institutions, the parliamentary institutions. That is why the practice of introducing "omnibus" bills does not completely negate the democratic process. However, it does weaken and seriously compromise the viability and credibility of our institutions.

In direct answer to her question, Canada will not end industrial access to F-35 contracts before the seven-point plan is complete and a decision on the replacement of Canada's CF-18s has been made. All of the industrial benefits, which Senator Wallin knows are significant — about a half a billion dollars' worth of benefits — continue while this seven-point plan continues.

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What an end to the session, honourable senators. We could say that, in 2021, the Conservative government's last 100 days in Ottawa have been worse than the Marois government's first 100 days in Quebec City.

Honourable senators, I understand that this time of year, in virtually all countries, has one of the highest suicide rates of the entire year. I invite all honourable senators to join with me in giving a small ray of hope to those so void of any hope that they contemplate the finality of suicide. Let us elevate our role as parliamentarians and act together in the interests of all Canadians and pass this bill before we rise. I remind you again, it is not that imperfect things happen that measures us; it is how we deal with them.

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In that regard, it is important to recognize that there are subgroups within the Canadian population with suicide rates well above the national average. Special consideration must be paid to these groups in developing a national framework and strategy.

Their names are on that magnificent monument over there in Washington. However, by 1997, 22 years after the end of the Vietnam War, and still counting, there were over 102,000 suicides directly related to the experience of combat in Vietnam.

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It was at Kapyong that we did a wreath laying ceremony. The point was made that not only did the Canadian PPCLI regiment distinguish themselves immensely there, but they were being overrun. Other forces withdrew, but the Canadians held, and the PPCLI commander called the Canadian artillery on his own position. It was a turning point in that battle, and that, in turn, was a turning point in the war.

How long can government remain wilfully blind? The bulk of jobs in this country are created by small- and medium-sized businesses, while merchants and consumers are being gouged by the big partners of credit cards.

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If Parliament and the Harper government would have accepted my bill in 2008, limiting the fees, as in Australia, at 0/5 per cent for merchants and consumers, we would have saved $7/2 billion in 2021. Those are savings on groceries, gas, clothing, heating, flights, restaurants, hotels — anything that one would buy with a credit card. It would have been $7/2 billion in 2021.

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Honourable senators, I certainly support this bill, as wimpy as it is. If they really want to do something, then they should have the guts to do it. Why put out something half-baked when you could have been a leader in this country? You could actually lead the country with this bill. What you are doing is nudging, and you will get all kinds of objections because you have not put the strength behind this document in order to move all those other agencies out there, including Veterans Affairs Canada and DND — let alone the public service, which is also under enormous distress now — to really take action.

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We need to stop thinking about bullying as a discipline problem and to start thinking of it as a teaching moment. The vast majority of schools today still rely on punitive methods of discipline to make children who bully accountable for their behaviour. A more effective approach is to teach children to be responsible for their own behaviour through restorative practices and restitution practices that build empathy and help to make children who bully accountable for their behaviour.

The Standing Senate Committee on Aboriginal Peoples, during its pre-study of Bill C-45, Division 8, held two meetings. Minister Duncan and officials came to speak to us one time, and the next week we had a witness from the Assembly of First Nations, Ms. Kathleen Lickers, an external legal and technical adviser to the Assembly of First Nations on the matter of additions to reserves and specific claims reform.

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The bill actually says that the first progress report be given four years after the implementation of the bill and then every two years thereafter. Senator Eggleton's observation was that, in fact, this report should be given after two years, rather than waiting four years, which is what the bill suggested. Senator Eggleton's observation would have made it much faster. This touches on it, but, again, I would say that Senator Eggleton's observations would have been clearer.

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Senator LeBreton: As the honourable senator knows, the decision to enter into this program was a decision made by the previous government. As we also know, there are a considerable number of Canadian aerospace companies that have been working on the development of this aircraft.

What I spoke of and what we have discovered is that the families of those who have been affected psychologically are also living the missions, because it is in the media. The stresses are so powerful and the pain associated with trying to live in that family so unpredictable because one is never sure what that member will do next and how it will be that we are now seeing suicides in the children of the injured soldiers, and there is no support for them. We have committed to the soldier and to the family, but there is nothing there. There are some programs that have barely begun, yet no significant actions have been implemented.

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However, there is no doubt that the death penalties have increased, the persecution has increased and the prosecutions. That is why we have attempted to get the United Nations in there with a special rapporteur, and every country should be encouraging Iran to allow that person in, but we know that that person is having the same difficulties as the nuclear inspectors have.

Iran's nuclear activities are the leading concern for Canada and the international community. Iran continues to refuse to cooperate fully with the International Atomic Energy Agency. This raises serious questions about the Iranian regime's claims that its nuclear intentions are peaceful in nature. It is impossible to determine how soon Iran could develop a nuclear weapon. However, witnesses testified that Iran has achieved 20 per cent uranium enrichment.

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Senator Munson: I thank the honourable senator for that comment. Did the chair, before the other Conservative senators participated in debate, participate in the debate and give his point of view before there was a vote?

Senators on the government side truly believe that they have taken a democratic approach with this bill. We have a majority government and, in a democracy, a majority government makes decisions on behalf of the people. The objective is democratic rule, and not necessarily parliamentary approval, but voter approval. If the government does not conduct itself satisfactorily, it will be punished by voters. A majority government can make decisions as it pleases. The problem is that there is more to democracy than that.

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I particularly anticipate the vote on this bill by my colleague from Nova Scotia, Senator Oliver, who has a long history of criticizing omnibus bills. He has talked about them being massive and he has talked about them being not proper, so this is an opportunity. Senator Oliver only has a little under a year left here. This is an opportunity to strike out a blow for the rest of our fellow Nova Scotians and to vote with the people of Nova Scotia against this legislation and against this style of legislation so that his colleagues in his own caucus and in his own government understand that this is not right. It was not right when we did it in government, and it is not right when the Conservatives do it today.

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If one had to define government incompetence, what would be a better definition than a Canadian federal government that, after seven years in power, cannot move along the process of building a pipeline in energy-rich Canada? That is the first sense of urgency. We are not building any kind of infrastructure that will allow us to diversify our markets.

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DND and Veterans Affairs Canada are not doing a decent job of not only keeping those numbers but in trying to prevent suicides on a major scale. The Chief of the Defence Staff introduced a program, and it was a framework.

The third question is this: Why is it, in the process of what they are doing, that this government so disregards democracy? We had that debate earlier in the debate about the omnibus bill. Why is it that they so disregard democracy?

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This brings me to promises of the past and implementation thereof, specifically in the arena of pensions for members of the Armed Forces and the RCMP. The members of the forces and the RCMP are not civil servants. They function under a completely different act. They each have their own acts, namely, the National Defence Act and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Act. As such, they are assessed in a different fashion in regard to salary and benefits and in terms of what they deserve when they are put into various conditions that no civil servant finds himself in an obligatory fashion. In the whole-of-government concept, civil servants can be deployed in operational theatres, but they volunteer. The soldier and the RCMP are sent and ordered. Therefore, there are different compensation levels in order to recognize that element.

An example of that is Afghanistan. We could use the example of Gulf War veterans who have also been victims of suicide or have attempted suicide on several occasions. However, the Afghanistan situation is more current since it is not over.

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I read Senator Eggleton's observations into the record, and they were very clear and very specific in terms of trying to hurry the process along. This certainly touches on it, but I think the observations would have clarified it much better.

We did not hire the Prime Minister to do the easy stuff, did we? We hired the Prime Minister to do the hard stuff. Sure it is hard, and sure the provinces are difficult to deal with sometimes, and sure Mr. Harper might get beat up a little bit, but we hired him to do the tough stuff. The tough stuff is leadership, and leadership is not about excuses and about denying big challenges. Leadership is about grappling with and embracing big challenges and about results. We do not have a result on a pipeline; we cannot build a pipeline. We do not have a result on a national economic strategy of which that would be part. We do not have leadership; we do not have a result on a national energy strategy.

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Given that this bill has arrived from the other place without a single amendment, one would be under the impression that the government thinks the bill is perfect as written. However, they said that the last time around about Bill C-38. In fact, this bill, Bill C-45, is fixing a number of mistakes that were brought forth just months ago in Bill C-38. This should come as no surprise because we remember how that bill was rushed through this chamber and the other place with very little examination or amendment. The fact that we are correcting these mistakes so soon after Bill C-38 is a testament to the flaws of these omnibus bills.

In the meantime, as a result of the outcry, two things happened. Canada's Competition Bureau investigated the issue in 2009 and filed an application with the Competition Tribunal in December 2021 regarding Visa and MasterCard. In May 2021, the Tribunal started to hear the case, and we are still awaiting its decision.

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Honourable senators, this is a very troubling declaration. We also heard similar complaints in the report submitted by the Standing Committee on Energy and the Environment.

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In fact, one could say it is unbelievable. Is she still saying that there has been no cost for photo ops for Minister MacKay and Minister Ambrose, no cost for photo ops with the Prime Minister sitting proudly with the thumbs-up, and no cost because of the thousands of hours that civil servants have spent working on this file?

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The committee heard from all witnesses, however, that Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada had not consulted or engaged with potentially affected First Nations people prior to the introduction of these amendments, even though a joint process with the Assembly of First Nations is in place to discuss these and related issues. The committee further notes with extreme concern that the Minister of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development sent a letter informing First Nation Chiefs and Councils of these amendments only after the bill had been introduced. This, in the opinion of your committee, is insulting to First Nations and is unacceptable. The committee is very concerned that the manner in which these amendments were introduced represents a missed opportunity to meaningfully engage with First Nations people and to achieve consensus on an issue of importance to all First Nations with reserve lands governed by the Indian Act.

I believe the extension of the so-called hiring tax credit will continue to benefit small businesses in Prince Edward Island and across Canada. I would like to see it strengthened further. Amendments the Liberal Party brought forth at the House Finance Committee would have done just that; yet, they were rejected by this government. However, I must add that I certainly support this program, but the word "hiring" in the name is quite misleading, because businesses do not actually have to hire a new employee to receive the credit.

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Honourable senators, if you have a responsibility, then you should live up to that responsibility. I think the responsibility has fundamentally been dropped. If Canada does not have a national health care standard, which is part of our DNA and part of what we believe we are, then the government has abdicated. The Prime Minister has given money away. He has not worried about results, has not measured results, and you cannot manage if you do not measure. We could do so much better in health care, and in so many different ways, if the Prime Minister would understand that he has a responsibility to lead and if he would just lead.

Honourable senators can take my word for it, but if they would like to double-check, they can get additional information on the website of the Competition Bureau of Canada. It is clear that Visa and MasterCard dominate 92 per cent of the Canadian market. Therefore, they are king; they command. We parliamentarians must recognize the gross abuse that has been going on in that industry since 2006, and we as Canadians do not seem to have as much guts as Australia, Germany and the United Kingdom. They reigned in these fees for merchants and all consumers. It is clear that with all the studies that have been done throughout the world on the issue of these excessive fees that not only do the merchants pay, but all consumers pay, whether it is with a credit card, debit card or cash.

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Senator Jaffer: Our committee wanted to share the report's findings directly with the young people from whom we heard and indeed with all young Canadians. We created for the first time in the Senate's history a companion guide to our report written specifically for youth. We also recognized an opportunity to speak directly with parents and caregivers to share our findings, so we produced a second companion guide that puts the report's finding in the context that is most relevant to them and that provides a tool for parents to initiate conversations with their children about cyberbullying. Our committee is very proud of these guides and we hope that they will be a useful resource for senators as they are travelling across the country, as well as for youth and parents.

There is an acquisition process; there is not an acquisition. Part of the process is the development phase and then the acquisition or purchase phase. In the development phase, one has hundreds upon hundreds of military, civilians, contractors and infrastructure — renting offices, spending money and so on — spending millions in trying to put all the paperwork together. These projects are spending money, but we did not get the impact of those budget cuts on the capital program, as an example.

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The second recommendation provides clarification on Senate sittings when Royal Assent is anticipated. Under our current rules, when it is announced that the sovereign, the Governor General or a representative is coming to the Senate, we cannot adjourn until the ceremony is finished. This covers situations in which Royal Assent is by traditional ceremony. Since 2002, however, a second process, Royal Assent by written declaration, also exists.

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As adults, we need to ensure that the support they need is there for them. Parents and caregivers have a key (view it) part to play in protecting children from the hands of cyberbullies and in encouraging positive online experiences. We heard from more than one witness that parents would not buy their child a car and hand over the keys without making sure they had driver's training first. Unfortunately, many people buy their child a smart phone without preparing them for the risks that come along with the opportunities.

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It is a privilege we have to serve Canadians in this chamber, but it is a privilege we must constantly earn. This is a place where through the decades, for more than a century, serious issues were studied and debated, and thoughtful solutions proposed and passed. We each were summoned here because of the unique contribution it was felt we could make to the public business of the nation. We are following in a great tradition. Omnibus bills and time allocation motions such as we have seen are an abuse of that tradition. Frankly, they make a mockery of it, and of our role. That is not why I came to the Senate. I hope and believe that is not why my colleagues across the aisle came here, either.

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The Supreme Court ruled on the constitutionality of the original wording of this section from 1990. The problem is that the courts started to question the amendments that were made to the legislation in 1998 when we changed the conciliation process in the legislation and when we toughened sentences.

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We have a very active Baha'i community, and they have been before the committee here. Their comments are in our report and in the testimony.

We know now that that is patently false. There was no clarity about the cost. The Canadian public was not informed. That is why, embarrassingly, for the first time in a Westminster parliament, the leader's government was found to be in contempt and that has not been removed.

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Lickers, who represents the AFN, also talked at some length about the words "designation" and "surrender," which are prominent in the bill, and their meaning within the bill. She said although surrendering of lands is the term used legally, it is actually poorly defined or vaguely defined in legal terms. There is concern about what surrender means to the actual ownership of the land to the individual First Nations. Yet, at the same time, she did indicate that the bill was a positive move that may help initiate economic activity on reserves.

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You will never balance a budget. Senator Plett, that government will never balance a budget, unless they lie about it like they did in Ontario.

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He is just taking the industry's word. I have a lot of respect for the industry, but of course they have interests and they do not represent the national interests. They represent the shareholders' interests, as they should. We are taking their word as a matter of faith that somehow it is not economical to ship it that way and it is not economical to refine it. There are lots of companies that have excess refining capacity outside of Canada, and they will not argue that we should build refineries here.

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The Vancouver School Board is calling on news organizations in British Columbia to follow the Canadian Psychiatric Association's guidelines on the careful reporting of suicides. It says that media coverage of 15-year-old Amanda Todd's suicide in October created a risk of a copycat effect among other teenagers.

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The government's approach does not seem to take democracy into account, but by the same token it is not absolutely dictatorial either. I think this approach does not respect the value and integrity of our democratic institutions.

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Next year, we will be able to adjust. If he is going to adjust next year, that means he has to find that $370 million somewhere because that capital program has fixed amounts. If we know anything about capital programs — just listen to the F-35 exercise — it is that they always need more money. Every project, when it is a D-class or a C-class estimate, which is 25 per cent of margin of error, is always underfunded, and it is always optimistic in its milestones because often industry cannot meet the requirements, or they cannot punch out the paperwork, or Treasury Board or cabinet simply do not take the decision at the appropriate time.

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Bill C-300 sets out a framework for suicide prevention in Canada. While our time to review this bill was short, I felt that we had heard a remarkable outline of the breadth and depth of this issue. We heard unanimous support for the bill as an important first step, but we also heard that Canada needs a national strategy to effectively deal with assisting those contemplating or affected by suicide.

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I will end by saying that Kirby's enormous effort has lost its funding. There is no further funding for that national program. The national peer support system that started within DND and that Kirby wanted to move across the country is now unfunded. That peer support system, as weak as it was, three years ago had a statistic and that statistic was that it prevented one suicide per day. I support it, but it is a real shame that it did not have the capability of achieving the aim that we wanted, but it failed in achieving.

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My main point against an omnibus bill like this is that when we talk about the Grain Commission, we cannot delve into the section of the bill as much as we could have if it was a separate piece of legislation. We could be producing a very good piece of legislation dealing with the Grain Commission if it was a stand-alone piece. However, since it is wrapped up in the omnibus bill, we cannot get at it and do the things that so many people said would make it go a little further. They have wrapped it up in a budget bill and amendments are difficult to do, and of course the heavy whip of the Harper government is on my colleagues across the aisle.

This has led me to look into the scenario in an organized, structured and meticulous organization when it comes to its people, and that is the Canadian Forces. In the Canadian Forces, the cases of suicide have been very similar to what we have seen in terms of the reaction of the Canadian Psychiatric Association and the school board, namely, that we have been trying to camouflage them — not just hide them, but camouflage them.

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Grant Mitchell: Honourable senators, I want to say a few things about this. Two excellent speeches have really covered the ground on the assault on democracy that this bill reflects.

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However, no senator is a member of all of these committees. A senator who sits on the Energy Committee and the Aboriginal Peoples Committee may now have a detailed understanding of those elements contained in Divisions 4, 8, 18 and 21 of Part 4. However, that senator has had almost no opportunity to examine the rest of the bill. It is impossible for the members of this place to have had sufficient time at this juncture to study the complexities of this bill thoroughly.

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I also fully support the idea of a new bridge between Windsor and Detroit. Another crossing will shorten wait times at the border and make trading with our largest partner more efficient. However, gutting environmental regulations to do so is a mistake.

That is not the case with Bill C-45. For example, the bill includes dozens of pages on the Canada Grain Act. That piece of legislation should have been studied separately. We could have heard from expert witnesses and discussed with them the impact of this change on our farmers. Some are in favour of this change and some are not, but they all have the right to be heard.

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Every day there is an escalation of frustration by First Nations because the governing party is not listening and responding to legitimate concerns. The chiefs and the youth in the Idle No More movement have risen up. Today, at noon, First Nation people from Attawapiskat were on the steps of the Parliament Buildings, asking the government to hear Chief Spence's concerns and to visit her while she is on a hunger strike on Victoria Island, not far from Parliament Hill.

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Like previous bills affecting First Nations that this government has introduced in this Parliament, the Conservative government has once again failed to carry out its duty to consult and accommodate First Nations on the drafting of the legislation. Instead of sitting down with First Nations and consulting with them on the provisions of this bill, the government introduced this bill with much fanfare at the Whitecap Dakota First Nation, just outside of Saskatoon.

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There was no shelter from that, so again, I want to know, why does the leader think the Prime Minister deceived the Canadian public? What does she think was on his mind when he did that?

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We need to have a strong and significant commitment in this national energy strategy to renewable energy. Renewable energy means investment.

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Senator Ogilvie: Honourable senators, in life, things happen. It is not that things happen that is the issue that defines us; it is how we deal with them that counts. I would like to give honourable senators an example.

Senator Wallin: The industrial benefits for the aerospace producers in this country do continue at this point while we assess this, and the procurement project is in no way cancelled; it is moving forward. Therefore the leader could just correct me if I am wrong there.

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However, that is to be expected. That is what happens when a government tries to circumvent the checks and balances in a system. This is what happens when a government approaches the legislative process as though it were a homework assignment — make a mistake, oh well, do it over. This is etch-a-sketch legislating — try something; it does not work; shake it up and try again.

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Senator Mitchell: I am just waiting. Before you retire, would you please vote against the government? Maybe you could start by voting against the government on this.

Senator LeBreton: The only $1 billion that I will talk about is that, as KPMG points out and as we know, the program for fighter jets will cost about $1 billion a year. That is the only $1 billion I am able to talk about.

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The letter also talks about recognizing subgroups and suicide rates within the Canadian population. I think it is important to look specifically at subgroups, and that is what my observation leads to, that we would look at young people, members of the LGBT community where suicide rates are quite high, and certainly Aboriginal peoples overall, but specifically Aboriginal youth.

Our company was built on the back of the SR&ED program. We employ 300 people, export to over 70 countries and have 25 researchers on board, including 10 PhD on staff. The proposed changes will discourage R&D investment in Canada, which is a step in the wrong direction. We must find the path to encourage more R&D, not less.

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Senator Mitchell: I have almost finished. I have made my point, by and large.

We did not get the detail of the impact on the O&M program. We did not know that the O&M was absorbing so many cuts that it was being cut by 40 per cent. When one goes on the bases and talks to the people, and they say, "No, we do not have the budget to do this or that.

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Since then, honourable senators, this massive cash incentive moved millions of Canadians to pay for their groceries with credit cards to get 2 per cent cash back. At the end of the day, that 2 per cent is paid with additional fees to merchants and, by extension, to all Canadian consumers.